In the early 1960s, U.S. Sen. Ed Muskie often lamented his responsibility to recommend postmasters for presidential appointment – as senators had done since the dawn of the Republic. Perhaps Maine’s master legislator, Muskie – author of the Clean Air and Clean Water Acts – nonetheless disliked these postmaster choices, saying, “I make one friend and ten enemies.”
Muskie had an unusual political problem: Though a remarkably successful vote-getter, he was heavily dependent on Republican votes in an era of GOP dominance. If he favored too many Democrats – Maine then had nearly 400 post offices – he risked losing re-election.
Muskie’s dilemma was solved when, in 1970, the Nixon administration engineered a clever overhaul that removed the Post Office from the Cabinet despite its unique constitutional requirement to deliver the mail.
Nixon’s plan, abetted by Congressional Democrats, had something for everyone. Senators were relieved of postmaster appointments, Congress no longer fussed about postal rates, and postal unions could – unlike other federal workers – bargain for wage increases.
Today’s USPS was born, and, for a time, all seemed well. There was no online bill paying; people still wrote letters by hand.
And despite recent drops in first class mail volume, the Postal Service’s aptitude for competing with private package carriers such as UPS and FedEx kept things relatively stable. Two events conspired to destroy the balance between its duty to deliver, and financial solvency.
The first was the innocently named Postal Accountability and Enhancement Act of 2006, which mandated “pre-funding” of health care benefits for postal employees – something required of no other federal agency. USPS then had a modest surplus, and this was seen as “fiscally responsible.”
The measure was pushed by then-Republican majorities, but received crucial support from Democratic Rep. Henry Waxman of California – a Muskie ally on Clean Air because of his state’s horrendous smog, but otherwise reliably pro-business.
Pre-funding’s $5 billion a year cost created an immediate deficit for USPS, becoming a chasm when the Great Recession of 2008 sharply reduced mail volume. Ever since, it’s faced intense pressure to reduce regular mail service, though the “deficit” was largely a budgetary fiction.
Sen. Susan Collins, who then chaired the relevant subcommittee, denounced the proposed closing of the Hampden processing center – which remains open, but at a reduced level. The delivery cutbacks made inevitable by the 2006 legislation continued, however.
As a result, Maine no longer has next-day first class delivery, and may lose second-day delivery, too – an issue hardly mentioned amid the incessant ad wars of Collins and her challenger, Sara Gideon.
This year, in the face of an even bigger economic crisis, the House, now controlled by Democrats, finally lifted the “pre-funding” burden, but, predictably, the Republican Senate isn’t interested.
Of even greater concern are recent orders from Louis DeJoy, a big donor to Donald Trump, who’s now postmaster general despite no relevant experience – unlike nearly all his predecessors, who rose through the ranks.
DeJoy has taken steps, such as eliminating all overtime, that practically guarantee huge delays, as mail backs up. Implementation of DeJoy’s order prompted Portland letter carriers to complain that Amazon shipments (fourth class) are privileged over first class mail, such as prescriptions and absentee ballots.
This is only the tip of the iceberg. The real problem was baked into the cake in 1970: a complete lack of political accountability.
I experienced this in the 1990s, when I was briefly publisher of a statewide weekly. We were mailing papers out of Portland, then enmeshed in a bitter labor dispute.
Our papers languished on loading docks a week or more, and, after hearing pleas from numerous readers, I took action: I called my congressman. The response: “We can’t do anything. Congress no longer has oversight.”
It’s true, and the worst part is no one who’s trying to get mail into mailboxes does. Big shippers have some influence at rate hearings; the rest of us, none.
Now, we face the dismal prospect of delayed counting of mail-in ballots in November – a near certainty without swift Congressional action. One can only hope that, at least at the top, this won’t be a close election.
A new Congress must think bigger: Not only eliminating “pre-funding” and providing emergency cash, but finally reconsidering the 1970 deal for an “independent” post office.
Restoring Cabinet status, and returning Congressional oversight are essential if universal mail service is to continue. Reorganization can use contemporary business models – no local postmaster appointments – but it must fairly serve all parts of this nation, as Benjamin Franklin envisioned.
These essential steps won’t be easy. But it should be a lot simpler than – say – creating Medicare for All.
Douglas Rooks, a Maine editor, reporter, opinion writer and author for 35 years, has published books about George Mitchell, and the Maine Democratic Party. He welcomes comment at drooks@tds.net
Note: This column has been updated to clarify the actions surrounding the Hampden processing center.
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