As Maine goes, so goes the nation. This was once said about Maine’s influence over presidential elections. Today, the fate of bipartisanship is in their hands as they grapple with the hotly contested re-election of Republican Sen. Susan Collins. A well-respected, 24-year Senate veteran, skilled at the art of compromise, Collins should be a shoo-in, as she has been in her previous campaigns. Unfortunately, given the extreme polarization that has infected both parties, a consensus-builder like Collins – who has a long history of working constructively with Democrats – is in danger of political extinction.

As a former Republican Senate staffer and presidential appointee in both Republican and Democratic administrations, I have known Sen. Collins for many years. In 2010, with the country still reeling from the Great Financial Crisis, I chaired the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. and worked with her on much-needed financial reform legislation then pending in the Senate. The legislation had become overly partisan, and Collins’ vote was key to its passage. Other swing vote Republicans, like Massachusetts’ Scott Brown, were seeking industry-friendly provisions to weaken the bill, but Collins wanted to strengthen it. As a former financial regulator, Collins understood the role that excessive borrowing, or “leverage,” had played in destabilizing major financial institutions. She wanted to set firm limits on the amount of debt big banks could use to fund themselves. This provision, known as the “Collins Amendment,” became part of the landmark Dodd-Frank Act and inspired global regulators to adopt similar limits that have played an important role in maintaining financial stability.

This was vintage Collins – quiet, professional, dare I say ladylike – but only one example of the many times she has reached across the aisle to break partisan gridlock. Dodd-Frank would not have passed without her leadership and support. Her support was similarly pivotal in passing President Obama’s economic stimulus bill, the repeal of “don’t ask, don’t tell” and blocking President Trump’s efforts to repeal Obamacare. This summer, she was a primary author of the Paycheck Protection Program, or PPP, which authorized hundreds of billions in pandemic relief to small businesses and their employees, including more than 28,000 small businesses in Maine. The PPP enjoyed virtually unanimous support among both parties.

Collins’ opponents have been particularly critical of her vote to confirm Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court. But however one feels about Kavanaugh, Collins’ consistency and thoroughness in evaluating his nomination should be admired. She bucked her own party by insisting on an extended FBI investigation of sexual abuse claims. Her “aye” vote was consistent with traditional Senate deference to presidential Supreme Court nominations. Collins has previously voted to confirm all Supreme Court nominees coming before her on the Senate floor, including casting crucial votes for Obama appointees Elena Kagan and Sonia Sotomayor. This week, she voted against Trump nominee Amy Coney Barrett because that deference was not deserved coming so close to the presidential election.

Collins has been a highly influential lawmaker, in line to be either the next chair or ranking member of the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee. She has long been a positive, moderating force on her party, in the tradition of her mentor, Margaret Chase Smith. Washington’s “swamp” needs her brand of integrity. She doesn’t bend to the political winds, or mindlessly follow party dogma. She does what she thinks is right. Her loss could well spell the end of the moderate Republican.  Ironically, Democrats will also lose. Joe Biden – who I support – says that he wants the country to heal. In trying to do so, he may feel the loss of this potential Republican ally and bipartisan peacemaker most of all.