We’ve just lived through an extraordinary political crisis — extraordinary because so unexpected.

The about-to-be-renominated president delivered an instantly notorious debate performance June 27 that left some supporters gasping while others headed for the exits.

On Monday, with Congress back, Joe Biden quieted dissent with a letter usefully read by all Americans, not just Democrats.

He’s staying in the race, and says no earthly force can convince him to drop out. For good or ill, Biden remains.

The pundits, fundraisers, donors and malcontents won’t go quietly, but it’s over. The cognitive abilities of both Biden and Donald Trump will be considered by voters, but no longer be the only issue.

So it’s worth a look at initial reactions when, overwhelmingly, the press decreed Biden was done.

Among Maine’s congressional delegation, Rep. Chellie Pingree in the 1st District and Sen. Angus King were subdued.

Pingree, a Democrat, reliable Biden supporter and determined Trump critic, stayed out.

King, an independent, expressed “concern” about Biden’s condition but seemed more concerned about the U.S. Supreme Court’s sweeping grant of immunity before Trump’s federal criminal trials can begin, saying Congress may need to rein in the Court.

Sen. Susan Collins, a Republican, was also quiet about Biden, but her comments on immunity were significant.

Collins, among seven Senate Republicans voting to convict Trump on Jan. 6 charges, back then spoke with clarity and firmness.

“This impeachment trial is not about any single word uttered by President Trump on January 6, 2021,” she said. “It is instead about President Trump’s failure to obey the oath he swore on January 20, 2017. His actions to interfere with the peaceful transition of power — the hallmark of our Constitution and our American democracy — were an abuse of power and constitute grounds for conviction.”

What a difference three years make. When Trump was convicted on state felony tax charges, Collins faulted the prosecution. And when the Supreme Court granted Trump preemptive immunity — based on nothing in the Constitution, which was designed to deny kingly powers — she said lower courts must figure it out.

Three years of relentless pressure by an ex-president demanding unconditional fealty have worn down Maine’s senior senator.

A creative, even loopy response came from Rep. Jared Golden in the 2nd District. In a Bangor Daily News op-ed, Golden said he wouldn’t vote for Trump but predicted he’d win, “and I’m OK with that.”

Golden believes Trump represents no real threat to democracy, despite his unwillingness to accept defeat in 2020 and his vow to contest the outcome if he loses again.

He picked an alarming example of Americans resisting tyranny — the events of Jan. 6. In Golden’s telling, “Hundreds of police officers protected the democratic process against thousands who tried to use violence to upend it.”

He failed to mention why “hundreds” were overwhelmed by “thousands” — the soon to be ex-president, watching the invasion of the Capitol unfold for hours and doing nothing to stop it. Not exactly reassuring.

Gov. Janet Mills, a Democrat, came closest to re-endorsement, saying after a conference call she supported Biden’s “record of accomplishment” over Trump’s “chaos and ineptitude.”

Two weeks later, the mood has shifted, through threats to democracy emerged from surprising quarters.

James Carville, who championed the irritating slogan “It’s the economy, stupid!” during Bill Clinton’s 1992 presidential campaign, sketched a fantastic scenario for replacing Biden.

Vice President Kamala Harris could compete but not be “anointed.” Instead, Clinton and fellow former president Barack Obama would convene “town halls” to select finalists for the Democratic convention.

We’d have a winner, and united Democrats would go home happy. Right. Backbiting, recriminations and disunity are far more likely; Michigan Gov. Gretchen Whitmer, most frequently mentioned replacement, quickly bowed out.

Biden pointed out the flaw, saying 3,900 delegates are pledged to him. “The voters of the Democratic Party have voted. They have chosen me to be the nominee . . . Do we now say this process didn’t matter? That the voters don’t have a say?”

Contrary to Rep. Golden’s apparent omniscience, no one knows who will win on Nov. 5. A Biden comeback is possible, but only if he eliminates foreign travel, gets more sleep and turns in a credible second debate performance.

In the meantime, there are hundreds of congressional seats, thousands of state legislative contests, and tens of thousands of municipal and county offices on the line — with far more collective impact on our democracy than which of two older, unpopular nominees gets the top job.

Britain and France just completed well-run elections that rejected extremist appeals. We know how to do the same, and have four months to prove it.

Douglas Rooks has been a Maine editor, columnist and reporter since 1984. He is the author of four books, most recently a biography of U.S. Chief Justice Melville Fuller, and welcomes comment at drooks@tds.net.